Horoscop simona patrascu


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On 23rd of December, Maia Sandu announced she would launch a civic platform, which would turn into a party, and Ion Sturza was nominated by the president for the position of prime minister, saying that from then on he would get seriously involved in political life.

The two could rather have taken over from pro-European leaders tarnished in corruption scandals, replacing important chess pieces, which were at that point useless. However, their entering the arena did not change the rules of the game. Which is precisely what Moldova would have needed, after it became obvious that the political model by which it had functioned for over two decades was an abysmal failure.

Because of this political model there are no more confrontations of ideas, programs, projects, and everything is now personal conflict.

Horoscop săptămânal. Horoscop săptămâna 7 - 13 Octombrie 2019, oferit de ZODIACOOL

The popularity of an idea is directly dependent on the leader's popularity. This is why today the pro-European political orientation is discredited in the eyes of most of the population. Precisely because the ones that promoted this project were discredited The novelty, otherwise very important, in the year , was popular mobilization. It hails back to the Glasnost practices in the late '80s and early '90s, when large crowds were protesting in the street. It is the starting point of democracy in all the former Soviet republics.

What remains to get done for the Dignity and Truth Platform, born out of the protests and which officially registered in February , is for it to consolidate its profile and turn the civic activism into election figures.

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The text was posted on 21 December, a few days after President Timofti met western ambassadors and complained about the pressure put on him by the DPM. G emphasis] and I was asked why I don't get involved in their implementation, if such situations exist. I promised I would get involved, and now the moment has come for me to do it. The first moves of the oligarch newly returned to politics were: to launch the Social Democratic Platform, with the 14 communist defectors, creating an offensive apparatus against President Timofti, the last standing in the way of Plakhotniuk's political ambitions.

For instance, it barred Filat from continuing as a premier; it ruled that the independence declaration trumps the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova; it declared Romanian the state language, even though the Constitution still has Art. However, the majority constituted in Parliament did not reflect the result of the elections, but the level of corruption of politicians, who can be blackmailed, bought and manipulated to form majorities that have nothing to do with the will of the voters. It was no secret that Ion Sturza did not stand a chance to be voted in by Parliament.

All these details mattered not at all. The treatment to which the Sturza team was subjected at the meeting on January 4 is proof of the fact that, in Moldova, institutions and procedures are no longer respected, even in form.

After resuming consultations with political parties and taking into consideration the latest clarifications from the Constitutional Court, obviously Disappointed with the brutal treatment, Sturza turned in his mandate to the president, announced he was retiring from political life, and went back to Bucharest. Sturza had barely left Parliament that DPM chairman Lupu announced that by 11 January, the Social Democratic Platform would hold the simple 51 vote majority to have the government sworn in.

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It had become personal, which made it highly unlikely that the nomination of the controversial oligarch for prime minister would be accepted. The new majority numbered 56 deputies. Some commentators pointed out that this new majority did not comply with Parliament rules, therefore it was not legitimate. I am optimistic that it is within our power[s] to reach these objectives. You have inspired this confidence in me and I have heard the whisper of the people, but then their cries of hope too.

The entire political class has to bend its ear to you, in order to achieve normalcy, achieve authentic democracy, in which the people is sovereign, and its will sacred. According to the rules, groups form in 10 days from Parliament taking office. Legally, there is a declaration of support for Plakhotniuk's candidacy, but not a declaration of forming a majority, which is a Constitutional Court requirement, and the declaration in support of the oligarch would not have the legal power to obligate President Timofti to endorse him as PM.

In order to comply with the calendar imposed by Moldovan law, President Timofti would have had to nominate the new PM before January 14, allowing him to have the 15 days prescribed by law to appoint a new government and prepare a platform. In the event that this calendar had not been complied with, the parties would have had to call for snap elections, which would have been a disaster for many.

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The latest public opinion barometer indicated catastrophic figures for parties in Parliament. Given the conditions, it is hard to believe that the MPs were in a hurry to give up their privileges and vote against nominating the president and in favor of snap elections. The decisive move went to President Timofti, because the nominated candidate had infinitely more opportunities to gain, on the second attempt try, the necessary vote in Parliament. Hence, the intensified battle around the person the president was about to nominate.

Many abuses about to be perpetrated by Moldovan political elites have been blocked by Western ambassadors down along the years. One against Plakhotniuk, saying that he did not meet the integrity criteria, as explicitly required by the president at the January 5 meeting51 with the parties. It was recalled that Plakhotniuk was on a list of people monitored by the Interpol, that the oligarch had defied a British court, by moving seized assets.

It was recalled that the British press had reported how several offshore companies registered in Scotland had been involved in the theft of one billion dollars from Moldovan banks, and that those same offshore companies had taken part in the financial raids in Moldova in , whose final beneficiary had been that same Plakhotniuk. The federalization of the country and the entire planned scenario would be a catastrophe for the citizens of our country. Too Much Geopolitics Geopolitical arguments are omnipresent in the discourse on the former Soviet republic.

Bessarabia was annexed by Stalin in the summer of , in line with the secret appendices to the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, and on 23 August its borders were redrawn, and a large part of the territory became 51 www. Since everything, or almost everything, is geopolitics, essential details on Moldovan society, economy and politics are confined to oblivion.

No one wants to burden their memory with things they believe insignificant. Hence the tragedy of this country, whom no one wants to deal with in seriousness, and which progresses only on internal impulses. In the more sophisticated commentaries, Romania is being attributed a decisive role in events in Moldova, due to such a busy agenda in Washington and Brussels, occupied with other issues.

Romania is supposed to be using this context to promote its own interests and people, the most important of them being Plakhotniuk. What, then, is Romania's strategy supposed to be? According to them, Plakhotniuk is Romania's ideal pawn for such a strategy, of pushing the Moldovan state to the brink Plakhotniuk is supposed to be Bucharest's guarantee for a failed Moldovan state, the first step towards a Moldovan and Romanian union.

That is also the geopolitical explanation supplied by the pro- Russian analysts when writing that Romania and the U. According to polls, these elections would allegedly favor parties considered pro-Russian.


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No one is considering the fact that they may be as pro- Russian as they are pro-European. In other words, they would be mere vehicles for various semi-criminal leaders or groups used to access state resources, as has happened so far, while the West-East orientation is simple babble to be sold to a humiliated voter base living in the poorest of European countries. Romanian patrons will keep Plakhotniuk in power, but will not give Moldova resources for development, limiting itself to humanitarian spaghetti instead.

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Ibidem accessed 19 Feb. And why give up these arguments, if they were the only ones that could mobilize support in various capitals and unblock loans? The country has been swinging for over 20 years between Russia and the West, trying to reap maximum benefits, especially personal, after bringing the country to the brink of disaster.


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In order to save themselves, Moldovan leaders are invoking the same geopolitical considerations, in the hope of tricking someone once again into support, this time the West. One contribution to the the geopolitical rhetoric manipulation of the West is also made by Bucharest, who has a long experience in this game, starting as far back as , during the rule of communist leader Gheorghiu- Dej.

No dignitary in Bucharest has yet explained if the Moldovan elections should get suspended sine die for fear of Russia, or how Moscow would help a pro-Russian politician, considering how much trouble Russia has with financially supporting the separatist region of Transdnestr. The Compromise that Prolongs the Agony One day before the deadline for designating the premier, Wednesday, January 13, a new round of consultations took place between the president and the representatives of the majority group, constituted to support Plakhotniuk in his bid to become prime minister.

President Timofti called on the majority to propose a new candidate, meeting the integrity criteria, by the following day, Thursday, 14 January, at noon.


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  5. Commentators drew a parallel between Filip, who was not allowed to take up the premier seat by ruling of the Constitutional Court, and Plakhotniuk, who was deposed for similar reasons. The oligarch tried to overcome Timofti's resistance, attacking his arguments. This was an awkward move on the part of the head justice of the Constitutional Court in attempting to help Plakhotniuk, attacking arguments he had offered himself in , when he blocked Filat's access to the highest positions in the state for integrity reasons.

    It was probably this intervention that caused Timofti to request individual confirmations for the signatures given by the deputies60, on the Declaration that created the new majority around the DPM, giving a deadline for PM, January However, at that point Filat was under arrest, and no one was interested in him. However, now commentators had transferred the arguments in the Court ruling of April from the Filat case to Plakhotniuk's.

    From then on, everything depended on the deputies. However, 3 hours and a half later, the president's candidate not only withdrew his candidacy, but asked Timofti to consider the candidacy of Pavel Filip, proposed by the Plakhotniuk controlled majority The president, shortly after, nominated for the position of PM Pavel Filip67, the candidate proposed by the DPM majority, and Plakhotniuk's associate Not even chairman Lupu or honorary president Dumitru Diacov were on the stage, next to Plakhotniuk, on that occasion.

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    But Filip came up alongside Plakhotniuk, whom he does business with. Pavel Filip's designation was a clear victory for Plakhotniuk. Pavel Filip, which I had to accept, pursuant to the decision issued on 29 December by the Constitutional Court, which, at art. The president's nomination sparked a new wave of street protests. The hatred of an impoverished, lied to, and manipulated population, which saw in Plakhotniuk the epitome of evil, is the main common link for these three leaders and hundreds of thousands of people, brought to the streets in various corners of Moldova by despair.

    In fact, Plakhotniuk only brought to life art. The last hope for the protest leaders and the tens of thousands out into the cold was a visit by the U. That the US would intervene in Moldova was an illusion, the idea that it would take this country out from under the control of oligarch Plakhotniuk. This was an awkward move on the part of the head justice of the Constitutional Court in attempting to help Plakhotniuk, attacking arguments he had offered himself in , when he blocked Filat's access to the highest positions in the state for integrity reasons.

    It was probably this intervention that caused Timofti to request individual confirmations for the signatures given by the deputies60, on the Declaration that created the new majority around the DPM, giving a deadline for PM, January However, at that point Filat was under arrest, and no one was interested in him. However, now commentators had transferred the arguments in the Court ruling of April from the Filat case to Plakhotniuk's.

    From then on, everything depended on the deputies. However, 3 hours and a half later, the president's candidate not only withdrew his candidacy, but asked Timofti to consider the candidacy of Pavel Filip, proposed by the Plakhotniuk controlled majority The president, shortly after, nominated for the position of PM Pavel Filip67, the candidate proposed by the DPM majority, and Plakhotniuk's associate Not even chairman Lupu or honorary president Dumitru Diacov were on the stage, next to Plakhotniuk, on that occasion.

    But Filip came up alongside Plakhotniuk, whom he does business with. Pavel Filip's designation was a clear victory for Plakhotniuk. Pavel Filip, which I had to accept, pursuant to the decision issued on 29 December by the Constitutional Court, which, at art. The president's nomination sparked a new wave of street protests. The hatred of an impoverished, lied to, and manipulated population, which saw in Plakhotniuk the epitome of evil, is the main common link for these three leaders and hundreds of thousands of people, brought to the streets in various corners of Moldova by despair.

    December 15 sagittarius horoscope

    In fact, Plakhotniuk only brought to life art. The last hope for the protest leaders and the tens of thousands out into the cold was a visit by the U. That the US would intervene in Moldova was an illusion, the idea that it would take this country out from under the control of oligarch Plakhotniuk. The rumors were so intense that commentators, journalists and politicians came to believe them, and were now just waiting for confirmation or contradiction of the theory according to which the U.

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